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Changeling Aspects For Parents of Gender-Variant Young
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by Andrea James Examining Disease Models of Gender Identity Summary:
Contents:
Introduction Interest in feminization, historically revered or feared, has benefited from
advances in science that expand possibilities for its physical expression. These
advances led to scientific models of gender variance, which were positioned as
objective alternatives to the judgmental “sin” models promoted by some
religions. Unfortunately, some allegedly scientific models being used merely
replace metaphors of sin with metaphors of disease and impairment, rather than
using objective scientific language. The time has come to examine these
judgmental models: the assumptions behind their definitions, how they masquerade
as science, their roots in eugenics, their impact on our access to health
services, and their political implications. The most insidious disease model appears at first glance to be progressive,
even liberal, but on closer examination, it views gender variant behavior in
children and adults as a psychosexual pathology (a fancy way of saying it’s a
sex-fueled mental illness). Though the idea has been around since the 19th
century, new language for this “disorder” was proposed by Ray Blanchard (1989)
and restated by Anne Lawrence (1997) and J. Michael Bailey (2003). Though the
Bailey-Blanchard-Lawrence (BBL) model claims to be non-judgmental in a moral
sense, it is undeniably judgmental in suggesting gender variance is a disease.
These old school sexologists still use terminology based on century-old ideas
about gender-variant behavior as a sex-fueled disease. Their definitions tangle
up several distinct threads about sex and sexuality in our community.
Inflammatory language about transwomen like “man who would be queen,”
1 “man without a penis,”
2 or “men trapped in men’s bodies”
3 has led to responses in kind about BBL and their
apologists, but thankfully, such polemics are now limited to shrill but secluded
fringes of discussions about untangling the mess they’ve made. Definitions and thresholds Scientific language evolves with understanding, and scientific discussions
require that words be used with scientific precision. In short, definitions
matter. A definition simultaneously includes and excludes. It affects how people
view our community, especially those who expose problems with existing
definitions. BBL and their apologists mock the evolution of definitions and
ideas as “politically correct,” 4,
5, 6, 7 a term used by
guardians of convention that signals a lack of intellect and contempt for
scientific progress. For instance, Lawrence’s opening salvo brags of being one
of the “troublesome people who are inclined to doubt the conventional
wisdom” about transgender eroticism, then just ten sentences later defends
Blanchard’s use of the inaccurate and offensive term “homosexual transsexual”
because it is “conventional usage in the psychiatric literature.”
8 [emphasis mine] Specialized definitions for many words in this debate evolved within separate
institutional realms. Though used differently, a term as defined in one field
influences another field, especially as we see attempts to merge biology,
psychology, law, and medicine into biopolitics. 9
Within the current medico-juridical system, clinical thresholds affect legal
thresholds and vice versa. Imprecise and idiosyncratic definitions plague this debate. The BBL model
declares transsexual women are men with one of two sexual desires: “homosexual”
(males aroused by males) and “autogynephilic” (males aroused by the thought or
image of themselves as women). Both categories efface our identities as women,
but “autogynephilia” is more problematic in many ways. One major problem is the
tendency for some who embrace the term to look at the etymology and think it
denotes an innocent and happy form of feminist self-esteem: “I love myself as a
woman!” they’ll say. I do too, but that’s not what this word denotes. When I
say, “‘Autogynephilia’ is defined by its creator as a type of paraphilia,” some
say, “Well, that’s not how I use it.” That’s like saying someone
is a pedophile because she loves children, or that someone is a zoophile because
he loves his pets. Those terms are clinical and legal descriptors. Yes,
“pedophile” literally means “love of children” in Greek, and “autogynephile”
means “love of self as woman,” but both terms are inexorably linked to their
clinical origins as psychosexual pathologies. Calling oneself or others “autogynephilic” is participating in one’s own
pathologization, and it legitimizes this fake disease when people claim they
don’t have it. BBL are engaging in scientific McCarthyism, where they claim
a hallmark of “autogynephilia” is that those afflicted will deny it. Any
refutation becomes proof they are right, a no-win situation like asking “when
did you stop beating your wife?” When we say “autogynephilia” is a made-up disease, some mistakenly think we
are claiming erotic interest in feminization is made-up, too. Obviously, this
exists. Many women in our community have been very open and honest about their
erotic interest, 10 yet still take issue
with labeling it a disease. 11 Sex and sexuality My response to “sexology” is similar to how a person of color might respond to “raceology.” I question anyone who seeks to draw bright lines between nuanced possibilities of sex and sexuality, especially when they claim their attempt is science instead of something arbitrary and subjective. Trying to map a scientific schema onto complex traits and behaviors is like turning an impressionist painting into a paint-by-numbers. Those who fear miscegenation of the sexes or sexualities are just like those racists who use “science” to reinforce socially constructed categories of ethnicity. As Anne Fausto-Sterling notes, “Labeling someone a man or a woman is a social decision. We may use scientific knowledge to help us make the decision, but only our beliefs about gender—not science—can define our sex. Furthermore, our beliefs about gender affect what kinds of knowledge scientists produce about sex in the first place.” 12
Well, to borrow a phrase, a few troublesome people are inclined to
doubt this conventional wisdom. 17 Many
of us question Lawrence’s claim that sexual desire is “that which moves us
most.” 18 We point to our experiences
and feel our identities are what drive us; Wyndzen shows psychology supports our
recognition of how powerful a force “identity” can be.
19 We even question some passages of Darwin and the
Bible (at the same time, no less!). BBL get very upset when highly respected
evolutionary biologists like Roughgarden 20
or Gould 21 question their most
deeply-held beliefs about sexual selection and human behavior. Eugenics, genetics, degenerates, gender The words “eugenics,” “genetics,” “degenerates,” and “gender” all derive from
the same Greek root meaning “to produce or bring forth life.” Some sciences and
some religions seek to explain our genesis and control our reproduction of
subsequent generations. New reproductive technologies are ushering in a host of
bioethical issues and raising the specter of a new wave of eugenics, where the
genocide (another related word) will happen before or shortly after conception,
after genetic material is screened for “undesirable” traits. Should people with
Down Syndrome or dwarfism be eliminated from the gene pool? How about intersexed
people? If Bailey’s colleagues find the “gay gene,”
22 should we wipe out sexual minorities, too? What
about gender minorities? Will we see a “transgenocide”? Who decides what’s a
disease or a degeneracy?
As evidenced by BBL’s metaphors of disorder and disease, people can only express ideas in the language they have available. Their models of sex and sexuality originated with doctors and criminologists in the late 19th century eugenics movement, and BBL’s ideas haven’t evolved much from the influential works that shape their thinking. After Darwin’s Origin of the Species (1859) came Francis Galton’s Hereditary Genius (1869). Following ideas in that book, Galton coined the term “eugenics” in 1883, which melded with the emerging fields of criminology and sexology. Though the term “eugenics” is now rightfully associated with Nazism, a few modern adherents hope to usher in an “Age of Galton.” Bailey and Blanchard are charter members of a conservative-run eugenics discussion group devoted to this pursuit. 23 Three physicians who were Galton contemporaries are central to the BBL
worldview: Richard Freiherr von Krafft-Ebing, who wrote Psychopathia Sexualis
(1886); Havelock Ellis, who wrote The Criminal (1889) and Sexual
Inversion (1897); and Magnus Hirschfeld (coiner of both “transvestite” and
“transsexual”), who in 1897 founded Germany’s Scientific Humanitarian Committee,
whose motto was “justice through science.” Like BBL, these doctors genuinely
believed that social ostracism of sexual minorities would be eliminated through
science, but we all know what happened next in Germany. These doctors’
“scientific” models were imbued with eugenic paternalism (they believed
homosexuals had a pathology and were unfit for procreation), and they claimed
those who engaged in non-procreative sex were biologically different. By
mid-century, Hirschfeld’s institute had been destroyed, and persecuted
minorities had been rounded up and murdered based on “scientific” models that
claimed groups like Jews, gays, and other persecuted minorities were
“degenerate,” biologically distinct, and a threat to “social hygiene.” Lest we think this is an isolated phenomenon that only happened in Nazi
Germany, in America, disability and race took center stage in the eugenics
movement, 24 which focused on
sterilization and birth control for the “unfit.” 25
In Canada during the same period, the focus was immigrants, and the method of
control was psychiatry. A physician named Charles Kirk Clarke oversaw the two
largest Canadian asylums before accepting Canada’s top mental-health post.
Clarke advocated eugenic policies to limit the immigration and marriage of the
“defective.” He also used psychiatric diagnoses to incarcerate new citizens.
Foreign-born patients were 50% of his institutionalized population, including
political activists, homosexuals, and other “defectives.”
26 Clarke’s sociobiological leanings are still alive and well at the institution
named after him, The Clarke Institute in Toronto, where Ray Blanchard works.
27 There, Kurt Freund and Blanchard used
Freund’s controversial plethysmograph to delineate deviance.
28 Though the quack device is just a lie detector for
the penis (open to manipulation and interpretation by both subject and
observer), they used it extensively to separate homosexual from
“non-homosexual,” and later to do sex experiments on “male gender dysphorics,
paedophiles , and fetishists,” which they lumped together, yet divided into
homosexual and “non-homosexual.” 29 In historic diagnoses for sex problems, homosexuality and masturbation were
“diseases” that could strike either sex, but other problems were gendered
degeneracy: women who had “too much” interest in straight sex had the
now-discredited disease “nymphomania,” while men who had “too little” interest
in it were inverts or perverts, a still legitimate disease category called
“paraphilia.” Dysphoria, disease, disorder, disability, defect According to my medical records, I am mentally ill. The psychiatry industry’s
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) alleges that
I am afflicted with “gender identity disorder” (GID). Before that, I had
“childhood gender nonconformity,” from their special “kids’ menu” of mental
disorders. Others with an interest in feminization get diagnosed with the
“disorder” of “transvestic fetishism.” 30
For many years, some in our community have relied on mental illness models as a
form of validation. I ascribe to the view that “psychiatric diagnoses are
stigmatizing labels, phrased to resemble medical diagnoses and applied to
persons whose behavior annoys or offends others. ‘Mental illness’ is not
something a person has, but is something [a person] does or is.”
31
I suppose I had a “dis-ease,” an uneasiness, a dysphoria about the sorts of
social and sexual expression I was allowed in the gender roles assigned to me at
birth. I did not conform until it became clear in 7th grade that the other
option was ever-increasing ostracism and violence, but since when is
non-conformity a disease? Imagine a mental illness diagnosis for “racial
nonconformity” or “religious identity disorder.” Disease models affect the kinds of knowledge produced by those who use them.
Bem called sex researchers’ preoccupation with the causes of homosexuality
“scientifically misconceived and politically suspect” because embedded in their
preoccupation with causality is the idea that something went wrong that needs to
be diagnosed and fixed. 32 The situation
is no different when we look at how sex researchers study transgendered persons.
BBL are what Ordover calls “biological apologists” who look to the body for
absolute truths. A major medicalization of homosexuality occurred in the 1990s,
in response to AIDS (a disease which led to renewed interest in a “gay gene” and
later a “gay germ” disease model of homosexuality).
33 While Bailey was drawing federal funds to isolate
homosexuality the way others looked for HIV, nobody was looking for the
“straight gene” or “straight germ.” Like a good eugenicist who believes biology
is destiny and genetics dictate human behavior, Bailey started linking gender
roles to genetic discussions: “childhood gender nonconformity does not appear to
be an indicator of genetic loading for homosexuality.”
34 Is gender genetic?
Despite these problems, many in our community embrace a disease metaphor.
Lawrence intones about “symptoms” of transsexualism, its “clinical course,” the
benefits of “palliative treatment.” 35
Lawrence then magnanimously claims that “everyone has a right to self-define,”
yet asserts that those who disagree with Lawrence’s diagnosis aren’t being very
honest with themselves or others. A “palliative treatment” helps symptoms while
leaving the disease uncured, and the uncured disease can be a personal and
political identity. In her important series of scientific criticisms of
Blanchard, Wyndzen cites studies on self-verification where people “assimilated
their illnesses into their identities.” 36
Almost everyone who is attracted to the concept of “autogynephilia” identifies
through metaphors of impairment. Many participants in the main “‘autogynephilia’
support” newsgroup are on public assistance, which seems related to their fears
about removal of gender variance from the DSM. They fear subsidized medical
services will be denied if there is no mental illness classification. But what
do they think will happen if there is differential diagnosis that claims their
subgroup does all this to indulge an autoerotic interest? Should insurance
companies give out high heels as “palliative treatment” for shoe fetishists? As Lawrence notes, “There are many human behaviors that look like the same
thing, but really aren't.” 37 Previous
medical attempts to catalogue behavior like Lawrence’s were not only
pathologizing, but insulting: People like Lawrence were “transvestitic
applicants for sex reassignment” 38 who
are “aging” 39 and “distressed,”
40 suffering from “pseudotranssexualism”
41 a “non-transsexual” variant of
“gender identity disorder” (GIDAANT), 42
and “iatrogenic artifact.” 43 Many
notable “borderline” cases are doctors: Renee Richards, Anne Lawrence,
Gregory/Gloria Hemingway. They may epitomize these published observations. They
all self-treated, vacillated, and “detransitioned” to varying degrees, and all
three challenge existing diagnostic categories. 44
If interest in feminization is an iatrogenic artifact (a disease made up by
doctors), wouldn’t doctors be the best evidence of that? Further, why would Dr.
Marci Bowers transition without incident in the same hospital group that forced
Anne Lawrence to resign? Do they really have the same “disease”? I have never
heard Dr. Bowers have to assert she’s a “real” transsexual, as Dr. Lawrence has.
I do not defer to people just because they are clinicians. My work fighting
quacks and consumer fraud has put me in touch with countless “experts” who have
no business in science or medicine. Some “expert” will probably diagnose my
questioning “experts” as “authority nonconformity” or some other made-up disease
to undermine my credibility. After all, my questioning the legitimacy of
“autogynephilia” is evidence I’m afflicted with it. To refute that kind of
argument, we need to contextualize the term. The term “paraphilia” first appeared in 1923, in a book prepared for doctors
and criminologists by physician Wilhelm Stekel. 45
Over eighty years later, BBL collaborator Simon LeVay still calls paraphilias
“illnesses that need treatment.” 46
“Paraphilia” is the psychiatric term for problematic sexual desire or behavior.
The current name for this alleged mental disorder first appeared in the DSM in
1980. 47 It describes “paraphilia” as
“recurrent, intense sexually arousing fantasies, sexual urges, or behaviors
involving Some people who identify with the diagnosis of “autogynephilia” chime in at
this point and say, “Well, then I don’t have a paraphilia, because
I don’t think I have a problem.” The most recent version of DSM
was revised just for them—it says this illness can be diagnosed even if the
person does not experience any subjective distress or impaired functioning.
49 LeVay notes: “This is quite a
significant shift; it emphasizes that psychiatrists may go beyond responding to
clients' complaints and may use their expertise for other purposes, such as
protecting society from sex crimes.” 50
“Autogynephilia” is not a behavioral model, it describes a sex-fueled mental
illness that lumps gender variance in with sex crimes. BBL believe that
paraphilias cluster, meaning that they believe that “autogynephiles” are more
likely to be aroused by children, corpses, excrement and other illegal and
socially unacceptable things. This diagnosis was widely ignored after Blanchard
first suggested it in the Journal of Nervous and Mental Disease in 1989.
51 By the end of his series of papers,
Blanchard was shoehorning other behaviors into his model with crackpot variants
like “partial autogynephilia.” 52
However, Blanchard and his colleagues had enough influence in this
rarely-studied subspecialty to get “autogynephilia” mentioned in the DSM.
53 The work would have remained an
obscure intradisciplinary skirmish until Lawrence found Blanchard’s articles in
1997, during a time of great need. A year earlier, Lawrence’s erotic interest in
ritualized genital modification led to indulging that interest.
54 Lawrence had taken “physician, heal thyself” to
heart previously, and after yet another failed “cure” in the form of
vaginoplasty, Lawrence’s fascination did not wane. In 1997, a lack of social
acceptance at work (described in one account as “bizarre behavior”)
55 and an incident where Lawrence
examined an unconscious patient for signs of ritualized genital modification
ended a respected career. 56 Discovering
Blanchard was clearly revelatory for Lawrence, who now had a diagnosis to
explain what happened. Suddenly, this forgotten diagnosis had a vocal and
influential champion. I dismantle the pseudoscience behind “autogynephilia” in a
longer essay elsewhere. 57 A scientific or reasonable discussion of “autogynephilia” is like a
scientific discussion of horoscopes: there’s no science to discuss, only
pseudoscience. Yes, both concepts exist, but that does not mean either are
legitimate science. Some people have a need to create an identity based on a
worldview where people are predictable based on vague, unproven categories that
arbitrarily assign traits to everyone, imposing order onto an unpredictable and
incomprehensibly complex world. “Transsexual” defined BBL have proposed several definitions for “transsexual” that include people
not previously considered within that definition. Their definitions view gender
variance through the lens of disordered sexual desire. Bailey defines
“transsexual” as anyone who has “the desire to become a member of the opposite
sex.” 58 They do not have to act on this
desire—“only serious thoughts” are enough to qualify.
59 This model reflects Bailey’s definitions of sexual
orientation: someone is a homosexual whether they act on their desire or not.
Lawrence believes transsexuality is “fundamentally about changing one's anatomy,
or sex; and that sometimes it may have little to do with gender identity, or
with gender role.” 60 Some do this “not
primarily because they have a gender problem, but because they have a sex
problem, and indeed a sexual problem… the expression of a paraphilia”
61 Blanchard says he’s reluctant to
label children as “transsexual,” 62
which is reminiscent of the “pre-homosexual” language used by his homophobic
counterparts in “gay cure” groups like NARTH. 63
Blanchard’s colleague Ken Zucker is a vocal advocate of reparative therapy for
gender-variant children, and he considers transsexuality “a bad outcome.”
64 In fact, Bailey has noted that
unchecked, this disease could spread: a world tolerant of gender-variant
children “might well come with the cost of more transsexual adults.”
65 Echoing Lawrence’s strict anatomical construction of “transsexual,” a quaint
aphorism claims, “If you aren’t a transsexual before surgery, you are after.”
Really? What about David Reimer or others surgically altered as children who do
not identify as transsexual? 66
Conflicting definitions occur within any demographic grouping. Extremist
separatists from both sides of any constructed binary often create unlikely
alliances: for instance, “people of color” and “African-American” are terms
debated by both ethnic separatists and conservatives.
67 In our community, pluralist concepts like “queer”
or “transgender” are debated in circles where distinctions between gay men and
transwomen, or between crossdressing and transsexualism, are very important. Lawrence insists the few who embrace this diagnosis “do not declare ourselves
sick.” 68 Not morally sick, anyway, but
physically sick. Lawrence’s self-descriptions have remarkable parallels with
descriptions of binge-and-purge cycles among crossdressers who hate their
behavior, or those “afflicted” with “unwanted homosexuality”: “The loneliness
and disconnection from others that typically accompany autogynephilia [sic]
are a large part of what makes this condition feel like genuine paraphilia
(i.e., a “disorder”) to many of us who experience it (and I'm including myself
here) and not merely a “benign variant” form of human sexuality.”
69 Swap “autogynephilia” with the word
“homosexuality,” and Lawrence’s comment would feel right at home in a NARTH
publication. Lawrence’s “problem” is not self-love, but self-hate. For those of us who view “gender” and “sex” as socially constructed,
transsexualism can’t be separated from its social component. Phenotype can trump
genotype; gender expression can trump anatomy. Those who need to use anatomy as
evidence of their identity have failed in gaining acceptance within a social or
institutional framework. Everyone has a right to self-identify, but if others
don’t accept that proclaimed identity, we must either accept their lack of
acceptance, or work to change their minds. People can legislate rights, but not
acceptance. That has to be earned.
Audre Lorde said “Your silence will not protect you.”
70 I say your anatomy will not protect you, either.
Legal and medical models based on anatomical benchmarks for “male” and “female”
will inevitably conflict and fail. Sexists who wish to efface the identities of
women like me can always find a physiological or behavioral reason to say I am
“‘really’ a man,” and some of the worst offenders are “helping professionals”
and people in our community. They echo the racists who came up with “scientific”
schemes to determine who was “‘really’ black,” or heterosexists like BBL who
create ways to determine who is “‘really’ gay.” Gatekeeping versus services on demand Much of my early activism was informed by sex-positive, pro-choice feminism.
We passed out condoms and “Just Say Yes” sex-ed books at Chicago Public Schools,
and we defended clinics from Operation Rescue. One of our major initiatives was
family planning services (including abortion) that were “safe, free and on
demand.” I have always seen parallels between family planning and
transition-related medical services, both of which were once only available
through back alley clinics and black market sources. Women in our community died
from this, and still die from illegal and unregulated products and procedures
because of our legal status. I believe controlling our bodies is a fundamental
human right. If someone wishes to undergo a vasectomy, vaginal rejuvenation,
abortion, facial tattoo, piercings, tongue splittings, facial feminization,
breast implants, mastectomy etc., I believe these procedures should be available
to anyone who is willing to sign a release. I find it quite telling that our
surgical procedures and abortion both face similar challenges, since both
involve altering one’s capacity to reproduce. Psychiatric gatekeeping only works for those who are unwilling or unable to
find easier and faster ways. Before the internet, most young people got what
they needed through extralegal networks (many poor people still do), and anyone
who had the means would skip gatekeeping altogether and jet off to an exotic
locale, as it had been done for many years before the gender clinics began
imposing controls. At the apex of the gender clinic system, only those willing
to endure a process akin to criminals at a parole hearing took that route—people
who would say whatever the gatekeeper wanted to hear in order to get what they
desired. 71 Ironically, many who tried
to get around gatekeeping during their own involvement now insist it remain in
place. 72 Lawrence, who is fond of
quoting Audre Lorde, 73 must have missed
“The master’s tools will never dismantle the master’s house.”
74 Gatekeeping also appeals to those who don’t get
much validation except from gatekeepers. The acceptance letter becomes about the
only acceptance they get. Not only is getting a vagina a status symbol and
evidence of identity for this tiny group, but “beating the system” is a status
symbol, too (which might also explain the correlation between online
“‘autogynephilia’ support” and welfare support).
I should note that I had a great therapist who helped me immensely. I
probably would have gone even without being required. Therapy and support should
be encouraged, but voluntary, and without the stigma of disease, in the way that
someone questioning their spiritual beliefs might find therapy helpful without
needing their spiritual journey labeled as a “religious identity disorder.” With
gatekeeping, we end up with people like BBL controlling access to services in
exchange for money or sex. “Sexology” is an unregulated activity in most states,
meaning anyone could set up shop as a sexologist or sex therapist. Bailey,
Lawrence, and others have all used their “sexologist” credentials to gain easier
access to sex partners. Some dismiss this as OK because they sign our little
permission slips so we can get medical services. Call me old-fashioned, but I
don’t feel it’s ethical or scientific for gatekeepers and sex researchers to
have sex with clients and research subjects. I also don’t want my tax dollars
federally subsidizing the sex life of a self-hating tranny-chaser like Bailey,
so he can meet women like me and later claim we “have the brains of men but the
genitals of women” 75 or are prone to
criminal activity and sexual promiscuity. Here’s my question: why not cut out these middlemen and simply request and
receive services? If people go to their physician and say they are depressed or
anxious, the doctor believes their self-report and suggests options. Why can’t
it be that simple for us? Replacing GID as the principal diagnostic means for obtaining medical service
is considered a top health priority in our community. Citing a progressive San
Francisco program, the National Coalition for LGBT Health states: “There is a
great need for more such programs that avoid GID as a requirement for access…
this [requirement] results in many transgender people avoiding the psychiatric
diagnosis process altogether, and not accessing medically regulated Trans Health
Services.” 76 The interest itself isn’t
the problem, it’s the anxiety and depression caused by depriving its expression.
77 If in some cases hormones and surgery
help relieve anxiety and depression, they should be available as an effective,
time-tested option. Roughgarden notes: “Their bogus categories and made-up diseases are intended
to subordinate, not to describe.” 78
Until we get away from this childlike dependence and deference to so-called
“experts” simply because they take our money or don’t kick us out of their
offices, our accommodation in healthcare and law will not be fully realized. Beyond BBL
People like BBL rarely admit they are wrong, because they are very concerned
about their academic legacy (which mirrors their beliefs about offspring). They
will spend the rest of their lives fighting tooth and nail to defend their words
and actions, but in the end BBL will be regarded as an interesting curiosity
from the waning years when our community was considered disordered and diseased
because of our interest in feminization, in whatever form that interest might
take. Luckily, we don’t have to convince them they are wrong; we just have to
convince everyone else. We need to embrace judgment-free models to describe these phenomena. I hereby
suggest the phrase that leads off this article: interest in feminization
(IF) and the subset erotic interest in feminization (EIF) as umbrella
terms without the stigma of disease. It encompasses not only our community, but
anyone regardless of motivation, affectional orientation, or gender assigned at
birth. Change “F” to “M” in the acronym for the F to M folks. I can think of a
laundry list of problems with this proposed terminology, but this article is
part of an ongoing evolution of ideas. I’ll leave the definitive statements to
those who fancy themselves “experts” who claim they know “the truth.” My
thoughts here won’t be the end of old ways of thinking, but with luck, it will
spark some new ones, where we describe ourselves and our identities without the
stigma of sin and disease. From the day in April 2003 when Professor Lynn Conway began an investigation into Bailey’s book, 79 it was clear that this was a defining moment for our community. We mobilized all around the world as never before. 80 We made sure this book did not become another Transsexual Empire. 81 BBL underestimated everything about us, from our numbers, 82 to our intelligence, 83 to our ever-strengthening network, to the direct contact we have with our youngest and most vulnerable, to our influential positions in every career and profession, to our ability to effect positive change. 84 This isn’t just evolution, it’s revolution. We’re replacing sin and disease with pride and strength, and this is only the beginning. Los Angeles Acknowledgments The author would like to thank Drs. Madeline Wyndzen and Nancy Ordover for
key insights and research that informed this article. References and notes Please note: Anne Lawrence is notorious for removing website materials as soon as comments in them become difficult to defend. While every effort has been made to keep up-to-date links, some materials may no longer be available online.
Please send all correspondence and reprint requests via email to or by mail to: This independent research was funded by reader donations. If you found this useful or interesting and would like to see more articles of this sort in the future, please consider supporting transgender scholarship via the link below: Questions? Register free at the GenderLife Information Exchange. Was this useful? Transsexual Road Map is reader-supported. Please support this project! Transsexual Road Map > BBL Clearinghouse > A Defining Moment ©1996-2006 Transsexual Road Map. All rights reserved. Terms of Use
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